“No More Oslo”: Nadia Matar on Sovereignty, Demographics, and the Jewish State

For Nadia Matar, Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria is more than a political demand. It is a historic and moral necessity.

In the months following October 7, the word sovereignty has gained momentum in Israeli political discourse. For Nadia Matar, co-founder of the Sovereignty Movement together with Yehudit Katsover, this is not a passing slogan—it is a long-overdue imperative. I spoke with her about current legislative efforts, demographic realities, and how the events of October 7 shifted the conversation to the mainstream.

The Sovereignty Movement deliberately avoids the word annexation, which implies seizing foreign land. In their view, applying Israeli sovereignty to Judea, Samaria, and Gaza is not about acquisition—but about restoring Israeli law to the heartland of the Jewish people, where moral, legal, and historical claims already exist.

What Sovereignty—and Which Sovereignty?

Multiple bills are currently before the Knesset. Some propose applying Israeli sovereignty only to the Jordan Valley. Others focus on Maaleh Adumim or the broader settlement blocs. One bill tries to combine them. None mention Gaza. I asked Matar whether she believes in gradual steps or full application in one move.

She was unequivocal:

Our stand is clear: Ultimately sovereignty must be applied over all of Judea, Samaria, the Jordan Valley, and Gaza.

If we take a step-by-step approach, it must come with a condition: no Arab autonomy, no state, no political entity of any kind.

Some people used to talk about declaring sovereignty over the ‘Jewish settlement blocs’ only, but that is not enough. Now we say the opposite: if you really need to take a step-by-step approach, then everything except the Arab urban areas should be under Israeli sovereignty immediately. Not only Area C but also large parts of A and B that are open lands.

In fact, we should not be talking in these terms anymore, for Areas A, B, and C are ‘Oslo terms,’ and Oslo needs to be nullified at once.

Why Now?

It is true that sovereignty should have been applied at the end of the Six Day War when Israel returned to its heartland.

It took time, and now is really the time. Because this land is ours and only ours. Because we have a right-wing government. Because we are at war. Because we have a U.S. president who is supportive.

And because the Israeli public is ready for it. After October 7, the overwhelming majority understands that wherever Israel is not in control, the area will become another jihadist outpost.

Still, Matar acknowledged that even a first step, such as sovereignty in the Jordan Valley, could serve as a meaningful beginning.

In the past, with other presidents in power, we knew it was unrealistic to go for the whole region. But now? With Trump talking about relocating the Arab Gazans from Gaza? We should go for the maximum.

A recent position paper by the Sovereignty Movement reinforces this view, arguing that full Israeli control over both Gaza and Judea & Samaria is not only possible but necessary—morally, strategically, and historically. The paper frames the 2005 disengagement from Gaza as a catastrophic error that empowered Hamas and turned Gaza into a launchpad for terrorism, culminating in the horrors of October 7.

The takeaway is clear: any attempt to hand territory to “moderate” Arab actors would be read as surrender, embolden jihadist forces, and put all of Israel at risk. As the paper states, “the struggle in Gaza and Judea & Samaria is one and the same.”

Echoing Trump’s proposal, the plan envisions Israeli sovereignty coupled with large-scale Arab emigration, long-term deterrence, and regional redevelopment. The transformation of Gaza into an Israeli hub for innovation and tourism should, they argue, serve as the model for Judea and Samaria.

Matar put it bluntly:

We are at war. We need to show the Arab world that we are going to win. The moment Israel applies sovereignty, we are saying: this will never be yours.

The Sovereignty Movement argues that Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria is the only durable response to repeated territorial threats.

A Post–October 7 Awakening

The Sovereignty Movement was once viewed as messianic or extreme. No longer. Matar described how support for the movement surged after October 7.

People used to be skeptical. Now they are worried. They understand what is at stake. And they are enthusiastic about the idea.

Sovereignty is in the air.

Political Theater and Real Numbers

Is there a Knesset majority in favor of sovereignty? Matar’s answer was immediate:

Yes. Overwhelmingly so. Remember, the Knesset passed a law against the establishment of a Palestinian state. The only opposition comes from the Arab parties.

So why has nothing advanced?

Politics,” she said, bluntly.

When [Avigdor] Liberman presented the bill for the Jordan Valley, others refused to support it—not because they opposed sovereignty, but because they didn’t want to give him credit. If every MK voted according to their beliefs, even the Zionist Left would support sovereignty in the Jordan Valley.

Population Numbers and Citizenship

There are two schools of thought. There is the Amnon Sofer school that believes the Palestinian Authority’s numbers—three million Arabs in Judea and Samaria. But Israeli demographers Mark Weiss and Yoram Ettinger show they are lying.

The Palestinians count the dead as if they were still alive. They count those living abroad as if they were still here. The real number? About 1.8 million.

She dismissed any idea of granting them Israeli citizenship:

We cannot give them the tools to overturn the Jewish state. Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish People. The axiom must be clear: Israel must always have an overwhelming Jewish majority and a tiny non-Jewish minority, loyal to the Jewish state.

In any nation-state, members of the nation have more rights than those who are not part of the nation. That is normal. We should not apologize.

There are dozens of huge Arab states. There is only one tiny Jewish state.

She cited research by Bithonistim (IDSF – Israel Defense and Security Forum), which found over 60 international precedents where states hold sovereignty over populations without granting full citizenship—especially in cases of hostility or lack of national identification. Examples include U.S. territories like Guam and Puerto Rico, British Overseas Territories, and Dutch Caribbean islands.

This is what responsible nations do when they value their survival. And if they reject that option for Israel, then they must reject it for the other countries as well.

Relocation and Residual Residency

Before October 7, the movement had supported the idea of offering residency to Arabs who accept Israeli sovereignty. But now?

According to their own polls, over 80% of Arabs in Judea and Samaria support the October 7 massacre.

When I see 100 Arabs, I know that 80 are ready to cut off my head and smash my baby’s head or strangle it.

In light of this:

We now understand what is required: full Israeli sovereignty, and the relocation of the hostile Arab population.

What about those who want to stay?

For the minority who accept Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people and have no national aspirations of their own, we can offer residency. But the rest? No country is supposed to commit suicide.

Israeli Arabs after extension of Israeli Sovereignty in Judea and Samaria

How will Israeli Arabs—many of whom self-identify as Palestinians—respond to the dissolution of the Palestinian Authority and full Israeli sovereignty?

We cannot predict. But the moment they know there will never be a Palestinian state, some—especially the secular—might choose loyalty to the state. Others, especially the religious, might leave. Or they might turn to terror.

That choice, she added, will be theirs.

Israel will have to make it clear to all of them that this is the nation-state of the Jewish people and that it will not tolerate anyone who wishes to undermine that.

Aliyah and Sovereignty

In order to thwart the demographic fear of applying sovereignty, parallel to applying sovereignty Israel will have to finally promote an attractive aliyah program, helping at least another 2 million Jews to come and live in our beautiful God-given Biblical Heartland.

This will ensure that Israel will always have an overwhelming Jewish majority.

For Matar, Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria is not just about defense; it is about destiny.

Footnote

* The Trump relocation plan refers to a provision in the 2020 Peace to Prosperity proposal that envisioned incentivized emigration of Arab residents from Gaza and parts of Judea and Samaria, supported by international funding. It did not call for forced transfer but framed relocation as a voluntary, long-term regional solution.

Appendix: Earlier articles on this site related to the question of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria

“Extending Our Sovereignty” in one corner Versus “Divorce” in the other

What’s the real story against declaring our sovereignty in Judea and Samaria?

This article was also published in Substack under the title: Sovereignty is in the air: A conversation with Nadia Matar